
The dispute between prosecutors and the police could uncover corruption in both institutions, unless it is resolved through political means.
WHEN corruption runs rampant, police and public prosecutors exposing one another’s corruption cases would be beneficial for corruption eradication. It would make the public realize that law enforcement officials themselves are the perpetrators of corruption. But law enforcement driven by vengeance and used as a tool of intimidation can easily be defused through political deals. If that happens, the public’s hopes can vanish in an instant.
Police had aggressively searched 13 locations affiliated with Deputy Attorney General for Special Crimes Febrie Adriansyah last weekend, after two police generals were named suspects in the free nutritious meal (MBG) corruption case. The Attorney General’s Office (AGO) is actively exposing this MBG corruption case that has implicated high-ranking officials of the National Nutrition Agency (BGN). Brigadier Gen. Lalu Muhammad Iwan Mahardan, BGN’s Deputy Secretary for Information, was named a suspect on July 1, 2026, which happens to be the National Police Day.
Police used three corruption cases allegedly involving Febrie as a pretext for the investigation. This was based on information from the questioning of Ferry Hongkiriwang, a businessman police suspect of being Febrie’s close friend. Ferry was arrested for assaulting a counterterrorism officer who had him under surveillance in mid-2025.
Ferry told police that Febrie received a share of the extortion proceeds from a corruption suspect of the Asuransi Sosial Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia (Asabri) case. Police later obtained additional evidence regarding the extortion of a corruption suspect at Krakatau Steel and an alleged conflict of interest in coal procurement for a State Electricity Company (PLN) power plant.
From Ferry’s cafe in South Jakarta and Febrie’s home in Sentul, Bogor, West Java, police confiscated various pieces of evidence. Among them, 74 kilograms of gold and nearly half a trillion rupiah in cash. Following the search, a video of which circulated on social media, prosecutors and dozens of armed soldiers went to the Jakarta Metropolitan Police headquarters demanding the return of that evidence.
Febrie’s other home in South Jakarta was also being guarded by dozens of armed soldiers. The AGO argued that this military guard was being done in accordance with Presidential Regulation No. 25/2025 Regarding State Protection of Prosecutors Carrying Out the Duties and Functions of the Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic of Indonesia. This regulation does state that the military can protect prosecutors if their property or lives are threatened.
The military’s involvement in this police-prosecutor showdown is inextricably linked to the political patronage of their respective institutions. Febrie is Chief of the Implementation Team in the Forest Area Enforcement Task Force (Satgas PKH), led by Defense Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin, a military general with significant influence within the Indonesian Military (TNI). The long-standing rivalry between the police and the military since their separation in 1998 has now resurfaced as a clash between their elites, as they are locked in a battle of exposing each other’s corruption cases.
President Prabowo Subianto has not been moved to resolve this open conflict taking place between his subordinates, just as he was ambivalent about the police-military feud which occurred during the August 2025 public protests. Police found ample evidence that the rioters were military intelligence agents, while police took repressive action against the demonstrations, resulting in the death of online motorcycle taxi driver Affan Kurniawan. There has been no meaningful investigation into the perpetrators.
With the political patronage of law enforcement officials, Prabowo could have mediated by handing over the investigation into MBG corruption and suspected extortion at the Prosecutor’s Office to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). Although the KPK investigators consist of police officers and prosecutors, at least this institution does not directly serve the conflicting parties.
The victims of this conflict and conspiracy are the Indonesian people. We see the behavior of corrupt elites and the blatant use of power to protect their respective corrupt interests. Just like the handling of the death of Affan Kurniawan, a victim of police brutality, the Indonesian public will be disappointed by the outcome of this conflict if Prabowo uses it to strengthen their loyalties by resolving their problems outside of the proper legal channels.
Prabowo may have benefited politically from the conflict among his subordinates. But one cannot ignore the analysis suggesting that he was not, in fact, fully able to bring the situation under control.
Only in a Banana Republic—a term coined by author O. Henry in 1904 for a poor, corrupt Central American country reliant solely on banana exports—does corruption become a weapon of power.
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House member Soedeson Tandra urges the TNI, Polri, and the AGO to maintain unity during the Sumatra coal corruption and money laundering probe.
















































